The expansion of the Ancient Greeks into Assyria between the 9th and 7th centuries BC occurred through mercenary warfare and the trade of pottery. Most of what is known about the interactions between the Ancient Greeks and the Assyrian Empire comes from surviving Assyrian texts.
In the paper “Assyrians and Greeks: The Nature of Contacts in the 9th–7th Centuries BC,” Assyriologists Tamas Dezso and Adam Ver of Eötvös Loránd University in Hungary argue that the Greeks expanded into Assyria as colonists, mercenaries, or traders.
Early Greek expansion in Mesopotamia began with pirate expeditions and later included Greek mercenaries establishing settlements in Assyria. By the 9th and 8th centuries BC, however, Greek activity in the region shifted toward the trade of ceramic pottery, and many mercenary settlements gradually evolved into commercial centers.
Background of military expansion of the Greeks into Assyria
Evidence of Greek mercenaries serving in the Assyrian army or in the armies of its enemies is scattered and limited. This evidence comes from both written sources and archaeological finds. Only a few direct references to Greek mercenaries have been identified:
- A very fragmentary text mentions Ionian auxiliary troops in the service of Assyrian King Esarhaddon of the Sargonid dynasty, who conquered Egypt in 671 BC.
- The Greek historian Abydenos records that Esarhaddon recruited Greek mercenaries in Cilicia in 675 BC. Abydenos specifically mentions a certain Pythagoras from Byzantion, who provided military support to Esarhaddon.
- An incised decoration on a silver bowl found in a tomb near Amathus depicts several military scenes. Among them is a spearman equipped with “hoplite” weaponry: a Greek-style crested helmet and a round shield. The scene also shows four Greek hoplites wearing Corinthian-style helmets, holding spears, and attacking a town while marching in phalanx formation. A similar hoplite is depicted on the walls, serving among the defenders.
Researchers believe this scene may depict a siege in which Assyrians, Phoenicians, and Greek mercenary hoplites attacked a Cypriot town—possibly during the 709–708 BC Assyrian intervention on behalf of Šilṭa, the vassal king of Tyre.
The silver bowl dates to between 710 and 675 BC. Even if it were slightly later, it likely represents the earliest known depiction of a hoplite phalanx. This indicates that early Greek armies of the late 8th and 7th centuries BC were among the few military forces equipped similarly to Assyrian heavy infantry, including bronze helmets of various types, scaled breastplates, Argive-style round bronze shields, greaves, spears, and swords.
Greeks against the Assyrians
Dezso and Ver suggest that the scene described above likely depicts the bloody battle in Cilicia in 696 BC between the Assyrians and the Greeks, a battle recorded by Polyhistor. There is also indirect evidence of Greek hoplites in the region, as Greek weapon types of unmistakably Oriental origin serve as further proof of their military presence in the Near East. These weapons are primarily defensive in nature.
Bronze shields are known from Crete as well as the Peloponnese. The earliest known example comes from Argos, and this type of Greek shield was subsequently named after the city. Greek mercenaries left only a few artifacts behind in the Near East, among which the most important is the famous Carchemish shield, decorated with concentric animal friezes and a Gorgon’s head at the center.
A bronze greave, a characteristic piece of hoplite armor and virtually unknown in the Near East, was excavated beneath the ruins of the Western Gate of the Inner City, alongside several arrowheads, human skeletons, and horse bones. Both archaeological contexts show clear signs of violent destruction, indicative of warfare.
Another group of evidence consists of helmets from the Late Geometric and Early Archaic periods. Only a single contemporaneous Greek helmet has been found in the Near East: a Corinthian helmet from the Archaic Period, discovered in the waters of Haifa Bay in 2007.
Helmets of Assyria in the homeland of the Greeks, the Aegean
The researchers argue that much greater emphasis should be placed on the Eastern Mediterranean and Aegean expansion of helmet types from Assyria, which ultimately fostered the creation of genuine Greek helmet designs. The routes and logic of this expansion can be reconstructed in four steps:
- Direct import of Oriental helmets: A single Syro-Assyrian pointed helmet has been found in Cyprus. It likely arrived on the island with the Assyrian troops of Sargon II (708–707 BC) and became a piece of booty, or it may have been brought by a Cypriot or Greek mercenary or vassal soldier serving in one of the Near Eastern armies during the second half of the 8th century BC.
- Copying and formal reinterpretation of Oriental helmets: A conical bronze helmet fragment found in Cyprus falls into this category. Its Syro-Assyrian inspiration is evident, but it is a local Cypriot product made by copying the structure of a Syro-Assyrian helmet during the late 8th–early 7th centuries BC. The widening repoussé curve and the eye or face cutout at the front of the helmet are clear signs of local reinterpretation.
- Copying and iconographical reinterpretation of Oriental helmets: A notable helmet was found in a warrior grave of the Geometric Age in Argos. Its decoration follows Assyrian archetypes, making it a Greek version of an Oriental conical helmet. The Oriental features, such as the vertical rib on the front, the horizontal rib along the rim, and a pair of inward-bending repoussé curves, are prominent. This helmet, together with the Argos-type shields and the Geometric Greek helmets, established Argos as a center of Oriental contacts, at least in terms of weaponry.
- Cypriot and Greek helmets inspired by Oriental (Syro-Assyrian) types: Early (Late Geometric) local Greek helmet types emerged in Cyprus, Crete, and Argos.
Local Greek helmets
According to the study “Assyrians and Greeks: The Nature of Contacts in the 9th–7th Centuries BC,” Syro-Assyrian helmet types were adapted in Argos, Crete, and Cyprus:
- Cyprus: Two new helmet types with clear Oriental prototypes evolved during the second half of the 7th century BC. One of these, the Tamassos type pointed helmet, is known from tombs excavated at Tamassos.
- Crete: A high-crested helmet with clear Syro-Assyrian features was found at Praisos. Its forward-curving crest was inspired by 8th–7th century BC Syro-Assyrian crested helmets.
- Peloponnese: The earliest appearance of the Geometric type of Greek helmet can likely be attributed to Argos. Oriental contacts influenced both the Argos-type shield and a helmet with Assyrian features. The Geometric Greek helmets exhibit all the Oriental characteristics known from the Assyrian helmet tradition.
It can be concluded that these evolved in Cyprus, Crete, and Argos as a result of Greeks either fighting against the Assyrians or serving them as mercenaries or as part of Cypriot Greek vassal troops.
Background of Greek commerce in the Near East
Greek commerce along the Levantine coast and throughout the Near East is evident from numerous archaeological sites bearing Greek artifacts. Greek pottery assemblages reveal notable patterns. South of Byblos, sites such as Tel Kabri, Me’qad Hashavyahu, Arad, and Timnah show no clear distribution pattern and are primarily associated with the international trade of Greek luxury pottery.
In the southern regions of Syria-Palestine, local pottery predominated, making evidence of a substantial Greek presence fairly speculative. The appearance of Greek mercenaries in these areas can only be documented in the final years of the Assyrian Empire.
In contrast, archaeological sites along the northern Syrian coast reveal a growing presence of Greek tableware, indicating significant Greek trade activity. In the mid-8th century BC, however, Greek pottery remained less common than local, Phoenician, and Cypriot wares, suggesting that the local elite primarily purchased Greek luxury items.
From the mid-8th century BC through the end of the 7th century BC, this pattern shifted markedly. The proportion of Greek pottery, especially tableware, increased significantly, raising the possibility of a Greek presence or even settlement at these sites. This trend is particularly evident at Al Mina.
A similar development can be observed in Cilicia. In Tarsus and Mersin, between approximately 850 and 696 BC, Greek pottery shows a slow but steady increase, reflecting primarily the import of Greek luxury goods. This pattern changed dramatically following the destruction and subsequent reconstruction associated with Sennacherib’s 696 BC Assyrian campaign. During the 7th century BC, the proportion of Greek pottery grew so substantially that it strongly suggests the possibility of Greek settlements in these cities.
Trade network on the Levantine Coast
The Assyriologists observe an interesting phenomenon in the geographical distribution of sites along the northern Levantine coast. The arrangement of these sites appears to follow a deliberate organizing principle rather than being random. Key archaeological harbor sites, such as Al Mina, Ras al-Bassit, Ras ibn-Hani, Tell Sukas, and Tabbat al Hammam, reveal a consistent pattern.
Along the northern fringes of the Phoenician homeland, the sites are spaced roughly a one-day sailing distance apart. This network provided “safe harbors” for overnight stays for ships traveling along the coast, while also facilitating trade connections with the interior regions of North Syria. The southern end of the network remains unknown but likely connected to the Phoenician harbor system at Byblos.
The creation of this harbor network in the first half of the 8th century BC predates the period of potential Greek settlement. It arose in a region that did not have as dense a harbor system as Phoenicia to the south and also predates the Assyrian conquest of 738 BC. The network helped bridge the gap between the harbor systems of Phoenicia and Cilicia along the North Syrian coast, which otherwise lacked dense coastal settlements.
The people responsible for constructing this network were likely seafaring groups, most probably Phoenicians and Syrians, although a Greek contribution cannot be entirely ruled out. While the network was probably built to satisfy Phoenician and Syrian needs, linking Phoenician and Cilician trade routes and providing harbors for inland Syrian states, from the mid-8th century BC, Greeks took advantage of this infrastructure.
Greeks used the network as a foundation for their commercial expansion along the North Syrian and Cilician coasts, extending up to the northern boundary of the Phoenician homeland. This network played a crucial role in facilitating Greek trade and, eventually, the possibility of settlement in these coastal regions.
The Greek commercial expansion
The Greek commercial expansion along the North Syrian coast coincided with the Assyrian conquest of the territory. At its peak, this network thrived under Assyrian rule, serving the interests of both Assyrian foreign trade and local Syrian and Greek maritime commerce.
After Tiglath-Pileser III’s conquest of North Syria in 738 BC and the subsequent consolidation of Assyrian control, the coastal territories and their harbor sites were likely separated from their inland cities and administered directly by Assyrian officials. As a result, the political and commercial influence of the North Syrian city-states probably declined in these coastal regions.
With their power diminished, the North Syrian city-states were in no position to oppose Greek expansion following the Assyrian conquest, even if they had wanted to. It is possible that a new system of Assyrian administration imposed tolls and taxes, which could have restricted free trade between Phoenicia, Cyprus, and the North Syrian coast.
The Assyrians may have been wary of Phoenician trade, and as a result, the volume of Phoenician and Cypriot exports and their commercial influence in North Syria declined. Consequently, the opportunity for Greeks—traders, settlers, and mercenaries—to establish themselves along these ports of trade increased significantly.
Greek trade and Assyria’s first world market
By the middle of the 8th century BC, harbor sites along the North Syrian coast show the dominance of Greek tableware in contrast to the luxury Greek pottery of the earlier period. This shift may reflect the orientation of trade toward the growing Assyrian centers. The overall evidence supports commercial motivations more strongly than the theory of mercenary encampments. Nevertheless, these “friendly” harbors under Assyrian administration may also have served as landing points for Greek mercenaries.
There is some debate over the size and status of Greek settlements in the region—whether they were trading posts (emporia), full colonies (apoikiai), or smaller settlements (enoikismoi). It can be concluded that the primary historical factor driving the increase of Greek pottery and settlement in North Syria and Cilicia was the expansion of Assyrian provincial administration, particularly its consolidation after the suppression of remaining local resistance.
Dezso and Ver note that the Assyrians controlled the most important trade routes crossing the Near East, connecting Central Asia, the Far East, India, Africa, and the Arabian Peninsula with Anatolia, the Eastern Mediterranean, the Aegean, and the Western Mediterranean, including the northern coasts of Africa, Sicily, and the Iberian Peninsula. The result was the creation of the first “world market” in history.
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