AI-generated models will compete in a new beauty pageant for the title of “Miss AI”. Credit: Torsten Behrens / CC BY 2.0 / Wikimedia Commons
On Sunday, applications opened for the brand-new “Miss AI” competition. What sets this competition apart from other iterations of the popular beauty pageantry format is that the models themselves will not be human.
Instead, Miss AI is a beauty pageant for artificial intelligence (AI) models, who will be judged on their aesthetic qualities and influence on social media.
A ground total of $20,000 in prize money is up for grabs, with the creator behind the winning AI model set to receive $5,000 prize money and $3,000-worth promotional assistance on Fanvue, a subscription-based platform hosting virtual models. Further PR advice and assistance worth $5,000 will also be given to the winner.
According to the official website, the virtual contestants will be assessed in three categories: “beauty”, “tech”, and “social clout”.
“AI creators’ social clout will be assessed based on their engagement numbers with fans, rate of growth of audience, and utilization of other platforms such as Instagram,” commented the World AI Creator Awards (WAICAs), behind the Miss AI pageant and forthcoming competitions.
“We share the vision for the WAICAs to become the Oscars of the AI creator economy,” said Will Monanage, the co-founder of Fanvue.
Of the four judges, two are AI models themselves with large followings on social media platforms like Instagram. The two human judges are Andrew Bloch and Sally Ann-Fawcett. Bloch’s background is in business and technology, whereas Ann-Fawcett is a beauty pageant judge, historian, and former contestant.
I'm honoured to be on the judging panel for Miss AI and helping to crown the world's first digital Miss World 👑 .
The value of the AI economy is expected to exceed the £1billion mark this year, and Miss AI is the first contest of the World AI Creator Awards – the Oscars of the…
AI is being used in new – and arguably, unsettling – ways
Many social media influencers make a living sharing their content online with thousands of followers. Major companies are keen to collaborate with these influencers to advertise their products to a widening audience that increasingly eschews traditional media platforms like radio and television.
Some of the top social media influencers are young women who attract large numbers of followers thanks to their looks. However, with the arrival of AI-generated imagery, an increasing number of virtual models have been gaining similarly large numbers of followers on social media.
Social media is not the only space where AI avatars are making inroads. Some TV channels and news stations are also experimenting with AI-enabled hosts. For example, Channel 1, a Los Angeles-based startup, is experimenting with what they call, “the world’s first AI-powered news network.”
Such uses of AI, especially for public-facing roles like news anchors and presenters, or social media influencers, whose appeal is based on a sense of human intimacy, have their share of proponents and detractors.
Those in favor of the new phenomenon view these new uses for AI as promising innovations, whereas critics tend to perceive them as steps toward a digital dystopia. Time will tell who is right.
The showdown between the ancient Greek city states and the Achaemenid Empire of Persia was one of the pivotal moments of antiquity. Credit: Georges Rochegrosse, / Public domain / Wikimedia Commons
World history could have been very different than what it is today had the ancient Greeks not halted the expansion of Persia through a series of epic battles on land and sea. These took place in the 4th century BC.
Known as the Persian, or Greco-Persian Wars, the conflict between the vast Persian Empire and a coalition of Greek city-states lasted from 499 to 449 BC and ended with the Peace of Callias treaty. This was once all Persian garrisons had been expelled from Greece, nearby European territories, and the land of the Scythians.
Beyond securing European territory, the triumph of the Greek allied forces against Persia is widely considered to have safeguarded values, such as democracy, and the political system of Greek city-states. These were later adopted by the Romans and spread across Europe after the Renaissance and the revolutions of the 18th and 19th centuries.
All the surviving primary sources for the Greco-Persian Wars are ancient Greek, the most important being Historia, written by the fifth-century Greek historian Herodotus. He is known as the “Father of History.”
Despite criticism from later ancient historians as well as contemporary scholars, Herodotus’ account of the events is largely corroborated by archaeological findings.
The reputation of some of the eponymous protagonists of these battles survived to the modern era when they became global symbols of bravery and heroism. Such has also been the case with the heroes of the Trojan War, which took place seven centuries prior to the Greco-Persian Wars.
The Greco-Persian Wars
After Aristagoras, the Greek ruler of Miletus, declared a constitutional government in his city, he went on to expel the occupying Persians from the other city-states in Asia Minor.
Aristagoras then sailed to the Greek mainland and requested help in fending off the inevitable Persian reprisal. The Spartans refused him, but the Athenians promised to send twenty triremes, and the Eretrians promised a further five.
Trireme in the modern day. Credit: George E. Koronaios. CC BY 4.0/flickr
The vessels arrived in 498 BC, and the Ionians swiftly attacked and burned the city of Sardis, situated in modern-day Cyprus. This move inspired rebellions in other places with ancient Greeks in the states of Caria, Bosporus, the Hellespont, and Cyprus all rising up against Persia.
However, the Persians did eventually reclaim Cyprus in 496 BC, and Persian army groups then went on to retake control of the Bosporus and the Hellespont. Employing a huge fleet of ships, recruited from Phoenicia, Egypt, and Cyprus, the Persians won a decisive victory at sea and then sequentially took back control over rebellious city-states on the coast. Miletus was captured in 494 BC, and the Ioanian revolt was put to an end in 493 BC.
Once they had put down the Ionian revolt, the Persians made plans to invade the Greek mainland and bring about a calmer state of affairs. However, before Greece could be invaded directly, preparations had to be made in the surrounding areas.
Preparing for the Invasion of Greece
Darius, the Persian ruler, gave his son-in-law Mardonius the responsibility of achieving this task in 492 BC. Despite losing many men to the sea during a violent storm, Mardonius was successful in securing the strategic approaches to Greece.
The Persians’ main expedition took to the waters in 490 BC under the command of Datis and another official called Artaphernes, the former being the son of a powerful Satrap (provincial governor in the ancient Persian Empire). The first target was the island of Rhodes just off the southern coast of Ionia. The Persians did try to besiege the city of Lindos, but they failed.
The island of Naxos in the Cyclades was the first to fall to the Persians, with settlements being burnt and the population either fleeing into the mountains or being taken as slaves.
After this, the Persians targeted the island of Delos, which—after Datis had demonstrated his power—was spared destruction.
The fleet then island-hopped across the Cyclades, taking hostages and soldiers until they reached the city of Karystos in Euboea on the mainland of Greece. The city refused to surrender hostages and was raided until the leaders gave in and submitted to the Persians.
The first major city the Persians reached was Eretria, which they attacked and captured after a week-long siege, enslaving its people.
The Battle of Marathon
The next goal of the Persian forces was to get onto the Greek mainland. They chose the beach at Marathon as their entry point and were met by an army of Greeks, mainly from Athens. A five-day standoff ensued.
Despite outnumbering the ancient Greeks by more than two to one, the forces of Persia chose to put their soldiers back onto their ships and select another place to land. Once the cavalry had been loaded, however, the Greek forces sprung an attack, routing the Persian flanks before declaring a decisive victory and demolishing any hopes the Persians had of continuing the campaign.
Interbellum (490 – 480 BCE)
Following the Persian loss, it was evident that a much larger army was needed to defeat the Greek city-states, particularly if they united. Darius set out on his task to build an enormous army to take on this task.
However Darius died in 486, and his son, Xerxes I, took over his work. By 481 BC, the army building was complete, and Xerxes began the march toward Greece.
The Second Persian Invasion of Greece (480 – 479 BC)
The second Persian invasion of Greece marked the height of the conflict. With an army ten times the size of Darius, Xerxes was confident he could take Greece. The Persian forces crossed the Hellespont on two enormous pontoon bridges. Modern historians suggest the army may have been around 200,000 soldiers strong. Furthermore, it may have been supported by a fleet of between 600 and 1,200 triremes.
A relief depicting Xerxes. Credit: Sebastià Giralt. CC BY 2.0/flickr
August 480 BCE: The Battle of Thermopylae
The ancient Greeks strategically decided to defend the narrow pass at Thermopylae, positing that the bottleneck would reduce the numerical advantage of Persia. Led by Spartan King Leonidas, several thousand Greek hoplites defended the pass for two days.
When he intuited that the Persians were about to outflank the Greek force, he sent the main Greek force away and stayed behind with 300 Spartan warriors and 700 Thespians to delay the Persian advance. On the third day, the Persians took Thermopylae and killed Leonidas and his soldiers.
While the conflict in Thermopylae was playing out, the Greek fleet of 271 triremes defended the Straits of Artemisium in the Battle of Artemisium. This protected the Greek flank at Thermopylae. Following the defeat at Thermopylae, the badly damaged Greek fleet withdrew.
September 480 BC: Destruction of Athens and the Battle of Salamis
After forcing their entry to nearly all of northern Greece, the Persian army burned Athens. They had hoped they could induce a Greek surrender by destroying the Greek fleet. Under the lead of Themistocles, the Greek fleet retreated to the Isthmus of Salamis directly off the coast to the west of Athens.
Canvas depicting the Battle of Salamis Credit: History Maps. CC BY 1.0/flickr
It was there that the Persians suffered under their great numbers. This led to their being unable to maneuver effectively. After obliterating 200 Persian vessels, the Greeks secured a decisive victory.
From the Battles of Plataea and Mycale to the Wars of the Delian League
The Persian forces made an effort to draw the Greeks out into the open, where their larger army could make use of its cavalry. They set up camp north of a small river near the city of Plataea, where the Greek forces, heavily outnumbered, attempted to outmaneuver the Persians but were caught in the open and separated.
Siege of Plataea. Credit: Elbert Perce. CC BY 4.0/Wikimedia Commons/Elbert Perce
Despite the strategic error, the Greek hoplites were immensely powerful, and the Persian army was defeated at the Battle of Plataea.
Just a few days later, a Greek army at Mycale in Asia Minor won a victory over the Persian forces that were sent to face them. With the help of the Ionian Greeks who rebelled against their Persian commanders, the Greeks captured the Persian camp and burned the remaining Persian ships in another decisive battle.
Following the victories at Plataea and Mycale, the wars between Greece and Persia took a major turn, with the ancient Greeks now leading the offensive. The Athenians attacked and took the city of Sestos in 479 BCE in an effort to deny the Persians access to the Hellespont.
A year later, the Greeks sailed on Byzantium, which they captured after besieging the city. With control of Sestos and Byzantium, Hellespont and Bosporus were more or less denied to the Persian forces. This was an action that brought the second invasion of Greece to a close.
Following Xerxes’ failed attempt to conquer and subdue Greece, the Greeks continued their offensive in the Wars of the Delian League which lasted from 477 to 449 BC.
The Battle of Eurymedon and the Egyptian Revolt
On the southern coast of modern-day Turkey, the Persians had begun to regroup and rebuild their fleet. However, this fleet of around two hundred ships was destroyed by the Greeks in the Battle of Eurymedon sometime around 469 to 466 BC.
In the mid 480’s BC, the Egyptian Satrapy (area of Egypt ruled by a Satrap, a governor of the Persian Empire) rebelled against Persian rule. After roughly two decades, the Athenians chose to intervene on the side of the Egyptians, and the campaign ended in disaster when the Greek forces were besieged and destroyed in the 460s BC during the Egyptian Revolt.
A Peace Treaty Between the Ancient Greeks and Persia?
Historians are still in debate with one another as to whether a peace treaty took place, but the conflict appeared to die down, and actions were taken that suggest that some kind of agreement was reached. Thus, the conflict came to a close. A notable date suggested is 449 BC, when the Greeks exited the island of Cyprus.
The Greco-Persian Wars flared and calmed throughout their duration, and although the open war between the Greeks and the Persians came to an end, it was by no means an end to the struggle between the two powers. This also didn’t mean the end to the effects of conflict on the common people.
Persia participated in other battles, while Greece experienced a deadly war, known as the Peloponnesian War, between Sparta and Athens. It would be another century before Alexander the Great arrived on the scene and put an end to the Achaemenid Empire.
When did Persia become Iran?
Persia was historically the common name for the area of land known as Iran. However, on the Nowruz (holiday marking the Persian New Year) of 1935, then leader of the country, Reza Shah officially asked foreign delegates to use the Persian term Iran, the endonym of the country, in formal correspondence.
Henceforth, the people of Iran were referred to as Iranians rather than Persians.
Reza Shah Pahlavi as Minister of War. Credit: آنتوان سویروگوین.CC BY 4.0 Wikimedia Commons آنتوان سویروگوین
How does Iran relate to Greece in the modern day?
Amid the escalating conflict in the Middle East, which was sparked by the Hamas attack on Israel on October 7th last year, Iran, which funds, trains, and provides weapons to Hamas, launched more than 300 drones and missiles against military targets into Israel.
The country did this in response to an alleged Israeli attack on Iran’s consulate in Damascus on April 1st, which killed Iran’s top soldier, Brigadier General Mohammad Reza Zahedi, among other Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) commanders.
The government of Greece issued a stern condemnation of Iran’s drone attack on Israel, labeling them as a “significant escalation.” Authorities in Greece are maintaining a state of alert and staying in close contact with Western allies, while Greek missions remain active in the wider region.
Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis expressed his condemnation of Iran’s attack and called for restraint to avoid a wider regional conflict.
“These are extremely unpleasant and very disturbing developments that are sparking a new conflagration in our wider neighborhood and of course in the Middle East,” Mitsotakis said.
“I want to start with the clear and unequivocal condemnation of the Greek Government and me personally against Iran’s attack on Israel,” he added in a message on social media.
Pyrite, also known as Fool’s Gold. Harvard Museum of Natural History. Pyrite. Chicote Grande, Inquisivi, La Paz, Bolivia. Credit: DerHexer Wikimedia Commons CC BY-SA 4.0
Pyrite, also known as fool’s gold because of its brass-yellow bright metallic luster, could be a potential source of lithium, an essential component in clean energy.
Lithium is the chemical element used in rechargeable batteries for mobile phones, laptops, digital cameras, and electric vehicles. It is also used in non-rechargeable batteries that are used in heart pacemakers, toys, and clocks.
The particular chemical element was discovered from a mineral, while other common alkali metals were discovered from plant material. This is thought to explain the origin of the element’s name; from ‘lithos’, the Greek word for stone.
Lithium is found in rock ores, which are mined and crushed, or in briny water, where it can be extracted using evaporation. Lithium is an essential component of clean energy technologies, from electric vehicles (EVs) to the big batteries used to store electricity at power plants.
Furthermore, it has more sinister applications: Lithium-6, an isotope of the soft metal, is crucial for breeding tritium, which is the hydrogen isotope that lies at the heart of nuclear fusion. Along with the above qualities of lithium, we can understand why the U.S. government calls it a critical mineral.
Another property of lithium is that it is incredibly reactive. Pure lithium violently interacts with seemingly innocuous water, releasing heat and forming highly flammable hydrogen.
Lithium from Fool’s Gold
The high cost of lithium production has pushed scientists to seek less costly ways to obtain this important chemical element.
According to a Phys.org report, a team led by researchers from West Virginia University is exploring whether previous industrial operations could serve as a source of additional lithium without generating waste materials.
Shailee Bhattacharya, a sedimentary geochemist and doctoral student working with Professor Shikha Sharma in the university’s IsoBioGeM Lab, struck fool’s gold when they found traces of the chemical in pyrite.
The study focused on 15 middle-Devonian sedimentary rock samples from the Appalachian basin in the U.S. The team found plenty of lithium in pyrite minerals in shale, a fine-grained, clastic sedimentary rock formed from mud.
Organic-rich shale may show potential for higher lithium recovery as a result of that curious interaction between the precious element and pyrite. However, samples from other geological sites need to be taken in order to find whether the same interaction would occur.
Bhattacharya said that this finding is promising because it hints at the possibility that certain shales could be a source of the element that doesn’t require new mines. This method would also be a very green option, as starting up new lithium mines costs a lot in time, money, and environmental pollution.
The Greek Junta took power in the country on April 21, 1967, leading to seven years of brutal dictatorship. Public Domain
On April 21, 1967, Greece woke up to a military junta taking over power. The colonels at the head of this brutal regime ended up putting the country in shackles for seven years.
For Greeks, it is a date they would like to erase from their history. For the people who were jailed and tortured, it is a date that brings back unpleasant memories and nightmares even half a century later.
This is even more so for families of people whose lives were lost during the Greek junta regime; these are families who can neither forget nor forgive the perpetrators.
For the army colonels who overthrew the government and established a seven-year long dictatorship, April 21, 1967 was the day of the Revolution and the rebirth of the Greek nation.
“The Revolution of April 21st” was the slogan of the Greek junta dictators, using as a symbol the phoenix rising from the flames and a soldier standing before it.
The political turmoil that led to the coup
Many politicians, as well as King Constantine II of Greece, feared that the army would most likely intervene to get the country out of the political turmoil of the mid-1960s.
The political crisis led Prime Minister Georgios Papandreou to resign on July 15, 1965. However, young King Constantine appointed successive prime ministers from Papandreou’s own party, which only led to more unrest.
There were signs that there was upheaval within the army at the time. It was expected that generals would likely intervene to curb the violent demonstrations of that month.
However, it was almost two years later that three lower-ranking officers took everyone by surprise when, in the space of one day, they took over power in Greece.
It was Colonel Georgios Papadopoulos, Brigadier General Stylianos Pattakos, and Colonel Nikolaos Makarezos who ordered the tanks to roll into Athens on that fateful day.
Georgios Papadopoulos, the leader of the military dictatorship. Pubic Domain
April 21, 1967
On the morning of April 21, 1967, Greeks awoke to a nightmare. The ominous rumble of tanks, occasional rifle shots, and military songs playing on the radio signified one thing: from that point on, life would not be the same.
Then came the sinister announcement on the radio: “The Hellenic Armed Forces [have] undertake[n] the governance of the country.”
Greek soldiers took over the most important strategic areas of Athens and then arrested all key politicians and Lieutenant General Grigorios Spandidakis, the Commander-in-Chief of the Greek Army.
After the politicians and Spandidakis were arrested, many individuals, comprising both prominent figures and ordinary citizens who belonged to Greece’s left wing, were likewise methodically arrested. A list of 10,000 names had previously been compiled by the military.
Those rounded up included prominent personalities, such as composer Mikis Theodorakis and other less well-known artists and academics.
The excuse of “the colonels,” as the junta was described by many, was that Greece was in grave danger of falling into the hands of communists. The black-listed 10,000 individuals were sent to prison or to the Yaros Island concentration camp.
The least fortunate of the political prisoners suffered brutal torturing, leaving them scarred for life.
The Greek junta suspended 11 articles of the Constitution to establish their regime. Freedom of speech ceased to exist, and along came strict censorship rules instituted for radio, newspapers and, later on, television.
At the same time, many Greeks became informants to the police, spying on their neighbors. Anyone could be arrested if police were informed that the “culprit” had spoken harshly of the colonels and the regime.
The Greek junta in power
As a smokescreen to hide all their shameful acts against their own people—what then-U.S. Ambassador Phillips Talbot had called “a rape of democracy”—the dictators started a campaign to increase their popularity among the population.
A huge amount of public projects were begun, using army troops to build new schools, hospitals, factories, stadiums, and roads. This had the effect of increasing their popularity with some Greeks, but it was not enough to make up for the events throughout the country.
Realizing that they were isolated from the rest of Europe, and condemned by most Greeks—especially those who were in self-imposed exile—the Greek junta made further efforts to be more democratic, humane, and appealing.
They held huge public celebrations on the April 21st anniversary and other national holidays such as March 25th and October 28th. These great commemorations were widely attended by the public, as well as highly publicized.
Resistance in Greece and abroad
The resistance against the colonels inside Greece and abroad continued throughout the seven long years of their rule, however.
Politicians, intellectuals, artists, and academics who lived abroad raised their voices in unison in telling the world about the human rights violations by the colonels and how they were holding Greeks captive, so to speak, through their ruthless regime’s policies.
The left wing and democratic elements of Greek society were naturally opposed to the junta right from the start. Militant groups formed in 1968 both in exile and in Greece to promote democratic rule.
These included the Panhellenic Liberation Movement, Democratic Defense, and the Socialist Democratic Union. The first armed action against the junta was Alexandros Panagoulis’ failed attempt to assassinate Georgios Papadopoulos on August 13, 1968.
The assassination attempt occurred during Papadopoulos’ commute to Athens from his Lagonis summer residence, during which he was escorted by personal security.
Panagoulis set off a bomb at a strategic point on the coastal road at which Papadopoulos’ vehicle would be forced to slow down. However, the bomb failed to injure Papadopoulos.
Panagoulis was captured a few hours later in a nearby sea cave after his escape boat had not shown up.
The perpetrator was transported to the Greek Military Police (EAT-ESA) headquarters where he was questioned, beaten, and tortured. He was sentenced to death three months later but served for five years and was shown mercy because the junta fell before his execution.
The junta fades
When the junta finally succumbed to the anger of the repressed Greek people and the outcry from around the globe, they decided to call elections in 1973.
First, Colonel Papadopoulos appointed Spyridon Markezinis as Prime Minister of Greece and then appointed himself President of the Republic.
Various people hoped that these elections would be democratic unlike the rigged 1968 referendum which had taken place to change the Constitution. No one will ever know what could have happened if it hadn’t been for the Polytechnic uprising.
In November of 1973, a few hundred students and other Greek citizens, fed up with the repression of the regime, occupied the building of the National Technical University of Athens and called for the colonels to step down from power.
The events of November 17th, when the premises of the university were brutally cleared out by the military with the use of a tank, left several dead.
The turmoil provided an opportunity for hardliner Colonel Dimitrios Ioannidis to topple Papadopoulos on November 25th with yet another coup.
His ambitious plan to overthrow the President of Cyprus, Archbishop Makarios, so that Greece and Cyprus could unite, essentially made possible the Turkish invasion of the island on July 20, 1974.
Only three days later, Ioannidis resigned, finally opening the way for Constantine Karamanlis to return to Greece and establish a democratic government.
All Greek junta members were arrested and brought to trial; it was a mass trial. Papadopoulos, Pattakos, Makarezos, and Ioannidis were sentenced to death for high treason, but their sentences were later commuted to life imprisonment.
The construction of the Giza pyramids and the Sphinx will always remain a mystery. Credit: Ovedc Wikimedia Commons CC BY-SA 4.0
The construction of the Pyramids of Giza and the origin of the Sphinx in Egypt will forever remain mysteries as no scientist has ever produced convincing explanations of their making and the speed of completion.
The lack of solid answers to questions asked for centuries has led to countless theories about the origin of those amazing, massive structures their construction seems to defy logic and science, given the time they were built.
The theories range from alien constructors who landed on Earth and built the pyramids almost overnight to speculation that large groups of laborers worked for decades rolling, pulling, pushing, and lifting 2.3 million blocks of limestone and granite weighing 2.5-8 tons each, were paid decent wages, ate proper meals and slept in stone accommodations. And all that to build the Great Pyramid of Khufu alone, weighing a total of six million tons.
Yet, to explain the mystery of constructions of such magnitude built 4500 years ago in simplistic 21st century construction terms is as convincing as saying that one morning the Egyptians woke up and saw the three pyramids standing and the Sphinx smiling at them.
Theory of the Ancient Egyptian Concrete
Several different experts and scientists have argued about the mystery of the Pyramids and Sphinx’s construction. The focus has always been on how the massive blocks were lifted up and put in place at the pyramid’s higher levels.
A recent scientific explanation is based on the assertion that the base and lower blocks used to build the Great Pyramid were limestone and granite, but from a certain point up, the blocks were made of ancient Egyptian concrete. It was a theory by Professor Josef Davidovits that the material used was geopolymer concrete.
Specifically, the blocks were made from damp limestone from the south side of the Giza Plateau. The limestone was dissolved in pools of water from the Nile, soda, and gypsum, creating a mixture with a very high pH, and bringing it down to normal levels using salt. The evaporation of water would leave a clay-like mud, which was carried to the construction site and packed into wooden casts that were much easier to carry and were left to set.
Professor of Engineering Michael Barsoum, used a scanning electron microscope (SEM) to study rock structures. The research group used X-rays, plasma torches, and electron microscopes to study the microstructures of pyramid stones compared to natural stone from the Toura and Maadi quarries.
The microscopic structures showed they are likely reconstituted limestone. The binder used for the limestone aggregate was either silicon dioxide or a calcium and magnesium-rich silicate mineral. Many of the blocks are stratified, with large fossil fragments concentrated at the bottom and lighter grains at the top, while regular limestone is made of alternating bands since it is sedimentary in nature.
Even though the Davidovits theory is scientifically plausible, it has opponents who dispute the scientific evidence. They argue that the pyramid blocks have diverse shapes and that shows that molds were not used. They also dispute that the ancient Egyptians had such advanced knowledge of chemistry to make the huge blocks out of lime. Also, they argue that huge amounts of limestone chalk and burnt wood would have been needed to make the concrete. In addition, they claim that the Egyptians had the manpower to hoist all the natural stone they wanted.
Difference Between “I Believe that…” and Scientific Proof
Mark Lehner, a famous Egyptologist and associate of Harvard’s Semitic Museum, has studied the pyramids and the Sphinx for decades and continues to study the Giza Plateau to this day. He has mapped the structure of the whole Sphinx construction stone to stone and claims it is all made of granite and lime blocks.
Lehner has done exemplary work on the “pyramid city”, the Giza pyramid builders’ administrative center including workshops, storage buildings, bakeries, and sleeping quarters, arguing that the laborers were not slaves but “bak”, an Egyptian word that means “owe to someone above me”. Everyone in Egypt owed bak, even high officials. The number of people working was estimated at about 20,000.
Yet, despite Lehner’s life work, there is no definitive answer as to how the pyramids were built.
The Sphinx Also Poses Questions
Also, there is no concrete answer on who built the Sphinx, what was the purpose of this gigantic stone creature and when was it built. Was it built by Khufu (Cheops) or his son and successor Khafre? Or did the former start work and the latter finish it? Or the Sphinx is much older, as some alternative Egyptologists argue? Lehner discards that theory and sticks to his own conclusions. However, he leaves room for doubt. In his own words, “As certain as we can be about such matters, Khafre created most of the Sphinx. However, Khufu might have started it.”
“As certain as we can be about such matters”: As long as this admission of doubt lingers over the construction methods, the purpose, the location choice, the exact time period, the pharaoh who gave the orders, the laborers, and all those factors, the mysteries that surround the pyramids will remain mysteries.
The United States House of Representatives has approved a multi-billion dollar aid package for Ukraine. Credit: Joshua Sukoff / Upsplash
A $61 billion aid package for Ukraine was approved by the US House of Representatives on Saturday. Later that same day, the House also approved a $26.4 billion aid package for Israel.
The vote, which had been postponed by Republicans for several months, encountered objections from some members who opposed allocating funds abroad instead of directing resources towards the US-Mexico border.
The Senate is anticipated to pass the measure in the coming days, paving the way for President Joe Biden to sign it into law. According to officials speaking to US media, certain munitions could be delivered to Ukraine within a week of the measure’s enactment.
Ukraine Aid Package One Step Closer to Passing After US House Approves
Following significant delays, the Ukraine aid package passed the House of Representatives comfortably with a vote of 311 to 112.
However, these numbers mask deepening partisan divisions on the issue. Despite unanimous support from Democrats, with all 210 voting in favor of the $61 billion aid package, a larger number of Republicans opposed the legislation, with 112 voting against it compared to 101 in favor.
Republican Speaker of the House Mike Johnson collaborated with Democrats to overcome procedural obstacles and facilitate the vote on the aid package during this uncommon Saturday session.
Reactions
President Biden welcomed the House’s decision and thanked Mr Johnson for reaching across party lines to reach a decision.
“At this critical inflection point, they came together to answer history’s call, passing urgently-needed national security legislation that I have fought for months to secure,” Biden said.
Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky also welcomed the result, with a post on X stating: “I am grateful to the United States House of Representatives, both parties, and personally Speaker Mike Johnson for the decision that keeps history on the right track.
“Democracy and freedom will always have global significance and will never fail as long as America helps to protect it.
“The vital US aid bill passed today by the House will keep the war from expanding, save thousands and thousands of lives, and help both of our nations to become stronger.
“Just peace and security can only be attained through strength. We hope that bills will be supported in the Senate and sent to President Biden’s desk. Thank you, America!”
I am grateful to the United States House of Representatives, both parties, and personally Speaker Mike Johnson for the decision that keeps history on the right track.
Democracy and freedom will always have global significance and will never fail as long as America helps to…
— Volodymyr Zelenskyy / Володимир Зеленський (@ZelenskyyUa) April 20, 2024
NATO Secretary Jens Stoltenberg likewise praised the House’s decision. “Ukraine is using the weapons provided by Nato allies to destroy Russian combat capabilities,” he said on X. “This makes us all safer, in Europe and North America.”
Dancers smashing plates at Opa Hollywood, as per Greek tradition. Credit: Greek Reporter
The sound of a plate smashing, shattering loudly as it meets the floor, is distinctive and tends to turn heads in a restaurant. Most of us, startled, “think, Oh No!” an unfortunate accident has occurred.
But when plates shatter on the floor at a gathering of Greeks – whether it is at a taverna, a wedding, a baptism, or an intimate party, smashing those plates is no accident.
Breaking plates is done purposely, accompanied by music, in celebration, and you will often hear the word “Opa!” expressed with great joie de vivre when it happens.
The custom is less common than it once was at the height of its popularity in the 1960s and 1970s, and is somewhat of a cliche, perhaps reflecting a more touristic view of Greece. Nevertheless, it remains a fun and iconic part of Greek culture, even if most Greeks are now more likely to throw flowers than plates at a bustling taverna or lively concert.
Smashing Plates Has No Clear Starting Date in History
Smashing plates became well-known and normalized to people outside of Greece following the debut of the 1960 film “Never On Sunday.” There is a scene that shows the main characters in a raucous moment of really having a good time as glasses drop and smash on the floor during a dance.
It is uncertain when the custom of smashing plates began in Greece, itself. However, it is certainly a multipurpose ritual. Smashing plates has been used to signal the end and the beginning, to ward off evil spirits, and to express abundance.
In symbolic ritual, a plate is smashed at the graveside of the departed following a Greek Orthodox funeral. Life has ended on earth. The plate is smashed, signifying the end of life. Smashing the plate is also considered an act of mourning.
Smashing plates is done for joy as well as to mourn. It was once believed that a celebration could draw the attention of bad energy, or even worse, nasty spirits. To ward off evil spirits that might wreak havoc on a newly married couple smashing a few plates was considered to serve as camouflage. The violence of plate breaking fooled the spirits so they would not suspect a happy event was taking place at the gathering.
Breaking plates may also be related to the ancient practice of conspicuous consumption to display wealth. In the past plates or glasses were thrown into the hearth following a banquet instead of being washed and reused.
Eventually, plate smashing demonstrated a devil-may-care attitude because of abundance as well as a celebratory spirit. The individual was comfortable enough that plates could be broken because there was plenty. The dinnerware could be tossed and broken as it could be easily replaced. The action tells the world: We have so much to eat and so many dishes that we can toss away our resources.
Accompanied by the music for the dance as plates are smashed there is also a particular word associated with the action. The word “Opa” actually means something like “oops!” or “whoops!” or “Watch out!” In dedicated plate smashing sessions, it means “pay attention.” The word is so embedded in the ritual that when you hear the word “Opa!” you expect to hear a plate breaking. This practice, paired with dancing and live music, is symbolic of Greek celebrations.
The Decline in Popularity of Plate Smashing
By 1969 the military dictatorship of Georgios Papadopoulos, which had suspended democracy and ruled Greece autocratically from 1967 to 1973, banned plate smashing in nightclubs. Flying shards of pottery were dangerous, so plate smashing was outlawed in the taverns and nightclubs of Greece.
In the spirit of smashing plates, a variation on the custom was introduced using flowers. Diners at small Greek restaurants or tavernas were able to buy trays of flowers that they could throw at singers and each other in fun and celebration.
In the past decade, rather than pricey flowers or stacks of plates, often an exuberant client will grab a stack of paper napkins and dump them over the dancers’ heads as they perform.
Since 1974 specially-produced plaster plates have been used. There were 53 manufacturers of plaster plates in the northern city of Thessaloniki in those heady times.
In filming “Never On Sunday,” Jules Dassin needed to reshoot the plate-smashing scene several times. He used defective plates that were factory rejects. Following the film’s success, plate smashing became even more popular.
In the 60s up to 100,000 plates per month were smashed and more than fifty workshops were established employing around 1000 people to cover the needs of partygoers and their plate smashing. Eventually, they turned to plaster copies of plates, to prevent injury and reduce costs.
In 1994, with the passage of a law restricting the opening hours of nightclubs, enthusiasm for plate smashing ebbed, as it tended to be more fun to do it way after midnight. Greece also became even more European and younger generations started preferring more Western types of bars and nightclubs over the kitsch of the bouzoukia clubs. Plates were once again used strictly for eating.
All but one manufacturer of plaster plates in the north of Greece shut down for good. The only remaining workshop making plaster plates in Greece is Tsiroulis Brothers. The company is located in Evosmos, Thessaloniki, and was established in 1975.
However, with the arrival of the internet and the immense popularity of online shopping, it is now possible to purchase plates purpose-made for breaking online.
Smashing plates and throwing flowers are part of nightlife revelry in Greece. Credit: Facebook/Tsilipoulis Brothers
Plate smashing is now officially discouraged as most establishments prefer customers to throw flowers rather than items that can cause serious injury, especially after a few drinks and impaired aim. Greece actually requires a license for establishments that want to allow breaking plates.
If you’re offered plates to throw during dances or other performances, be aware that these plates are typically not free and they will be tallied up at the end of the evening, usually at least a euro or two each. Smashing plates can be an expensive form of noise making.
Those who practice plate smashing will do it in any combination of ways. They may take the plate and hurl it to the floor, they may take the plate and break it over their head or they may hold a stack of plates in one hand and in the other hand, a single plate used to hammer through and shatter the stack. Most often, however, as a favorite dancer performs, plates are smashed around their feet to honor their talent.
A Cherished Aspect of the Tourist Experience
Many tourists expect to witness plate smashing at a taverna during their vacations in Greece and it remains a staple part of the entertainment in some of Greece’s tourist hotspots.
Hippie Fish, a seaside restaurant in Mykonos, has a “Greek Night” every Sunday. Spartan warriors greet patrons upon entry to the establishment and decorate customers with an olive wreath. Following the meal, professional dancers perform traditional favorites like the hasapiko, also known as the syrtaki. When dancing was not allowed as part of the Covid-19 safety restrictions, patrons were handed ceramic plates to smash in designated boxes so they could be a part of the performance.
Noeme, a tourist in Greece who is from Brazil said, “It was kind of weird at first to start throwing the plates and breaking them. But once I got into it, I didn’t want to stop. The music and our laughter around the table, got me excited and really put me in a mood to have fun.”
And that mood for fun is what is known as “kefi” in Greek. As the plates are smashed, you will shout Opa! and perhaps break out in a dance yourself.
The Reception of Lord Byron at Missolonghi in 1824. Painting by Theodoros Vryzakis (1861) Public Domain
Lord Byron was the first to raise the issue that the Parthenon sculptures were “looted” by Lord Elgin, said Greek Deputy Minister of Culture, Christos Dimas.
The Greek official was invited by the University of Cambridge to the event of the 200-year anniversary of the death of the famous romantic British poet at Missolonghi during his participation in the Greek War of Independence.
The two-day event that took place at Trinity College was organized by the Cambridge Centre for Greek Studies, as Lord Byron had graduated from Cambridge University.
Along with the Greek deputy minister, the event was attended by Greek Defense Minister, Nikos Dendias. The Greek officials laid a wreath on behalf of the Greek Government.
2024: Year of Lord Byron in Greece
During his speech, the Greek deputy minister talked about the work and life of Lord Byron, his love for Greece, his contribution to the 1821 Revolution, and his contribution to spreading the wave of philhellenism across Europe.
The Greek official also made a special reference to the Parthenon Sculptures and the ongoing Greek efforts for their repatriation from the British Museum.
Christos Dimas emphasized that “Lord Byron was the first to raise the issue of the snatching of the Parthenon Sculptures from their natural habitat and he opposed the act by publicly criticizing Lord Elgin. I remind you that the (Greek) Ministry of Culture has declared 2024 the Year of Lord Byron.”
The program of the two-day event included academic lectures on the work and life of Lord Byron and its relevance today, readings of contemporary poetry by established and emerging poets, and a concert of music especially written for the anniversary.
Centenary Ceremony in 1924
Cambridge University Linguistics Professor and Trinity College Fellow Napoleon Katsos, noted that “This is a particularly symbolic ceremony, which underlines the deepest bonds of friendship between the British and Greek people. Byron studied and loved Greece in all its aspects, from ancient to modern. With his work and his own life, he sealed a relationship of friendship and spiritual kinship that is alive to this day. I want to thank Trinity College for hosting this event and the Greek State for enthusiastically responding to our invitation. I am moved by the message given in such a modest way, that 200 years later ‘Greece remembers’.”
The laying of a wreath in memory of Lord Byron is a continuation of a similar ceremony that took place in 1924, on the centenary of the death of the great poet. The Secretary of the Greek Mission in London, was present at Trinity College to lay a wreath. The dedications on the wreaths laid in 1924 are preserved in the college archives, along with the poet’s manuscripts and personal effects.
At the ceremony, the Greek Ambassador in London, Ioannis Tsaousis, Kyriaki Mitsou, representing the Missolonghi mayor, and Konstantinos Velentzas, representing the Society of Hellenism and Philhellenism, also laid wreaths at the commemoration event.
Remy Dargere with his dog Raika: He lost her in Greece and found her a year later in Serbia. Credit: Remy Bergere / Facebook
The story of a French man who lost his dog in Greece and found her a year later in Serbia could make a heartwarming Hollywood Sunday movie for all the family.
Remy Dargere traveled from France to Greece crossing the Balkans on his bicycle accompanied by his one-year-old dog Raika, that was placed in a specially-designed trailer.
On April 7, 2023, while he was in Kipoi of Evros, only 200 meters from the border with Turkey, two big dogs attacked Raika and she ran away, never to be found again. Dargere went through great efforts to find her, calling on all Greek authorities and locals, but to no avail.
The Lost Dog Found a Year Later
If animals could talk, Raika would recount the fascinating story of her survival for a whole year on her own and how she finally returned to her loving owner. How she traversed hundreds of miles across the Balkans in her attempt to return home, to Lyon, France.
Finally, the brave little dog was found in Serbia, close to the Bosnia-Herzegovina border, about 1,000 kilometers (621 miles) away from where she had been lost, in Kipoi. Luckily, she was found by animal lovers.
Specifically, she was found by members of an animal welfare organization who took her to a veterinary clinic to be examined and identified her guardian from her chip.
Lost Dog Search Chronicle
The distraught owner stayed for about a month in Alexandroupolis, searching for his lost dog with the help of volunteers. One of them, Dora Kyriakidou, was by his side from the start, tirelessly searching for Raika with him.
“We printed posters of Raika and recorded Remi’s whistle and bike horn that she responded to so we could call her. We “combed” a large area looking for her, without losing hope that we will eventually find her, despite our fear that if she went to mountainous areas, she would be at risk of wolf attacks,” Kyriakidou told the Athens-Macedonian News Agency (AMNA).
After a month of fruitless efforts, Dargere was forced to return to France without Raika.
Serbia Notifies Greece
After Raika was found, she was hosted by the animal welfare organization Hope for Dogs, Europe, which posted a photo of her in the attempt to have her adopted. They had named her “Marley” and wrote about her playful character.
When they took the lost dog to the veterinarian clinic to be examined, they found her chip with the details of the owner. Natassa Bombolaki, president of Nemesis, the Panhellenic Federation for the Environment, Animals and Hunting made public the news of the finding of Raika.
“When they found through the chip Remy Dargere’s details and contacted him by phone, he went crazy! From what he told me, he will go next Friday or Saturday to pick her up” Kyriakidou said, adding that she thinks that Raika had decided to go back to Lyon by herself. After all, her owner never lost hope that he will find his beloved dog again, since, as he wrote on his Facebook page, “Faith can move mountains!”
Greece and Turkey have a lot to gain from the recent rapprochement, but for how long is this improvement in bilateral relations going to last? Credit: DALLE for the Greek Reporter
You don’t have to be an expert to know that the relations between Greece and Turkey have been among the most turbulent in the diplomatic history of Europe.
Rooted in a history of disputes, the two Mediterranean nations have gone through wars and skirmishes to periods of calmness and even deep cooperation. However, the differences between the two NATO allies have been serious and profound. Ranging from maritime and airspace territorial claims to diplomatic clashes concerning ancient monuments and religious sites, these two nations continue to share a tumultuous journey.
It is worth mentioning here that the two countries cannot even agree on what they disagree. Greece has been declaring for decades that it has only one difference with Turkey, that of the delimitation of their maritime zones. However, Turkey has been raising a series of other issues too.
However, despite the longstanding issues that have been fueling tensions for decades, a glimmer of hope emerged last year. Following the devastating earthquake in southeastern Turkey and Greece’s immediate mobilisation to support its neighbour, a faded light of hope returned to those looking closely at the relations between these two nations.
The History Behind the Strained Relations of Greece and Turkey
The Greek-Turkish relations have been characterised by conflict and cooperation, stretching back over centuries. This history has been marked by key events that have left an indelible stain on the relationship between them. From the early 19th century, when Greece fought for independence from the Ottoman Empire to the Cyprus War in 1974, the two nations have faced each other on the military front many times in the 19th and 20th centuries.
More recently, the disputes between Greece and Turkey over the Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ), airspace, and the casus belli declaration by Turkey are crucial to understanding the many layers and the dynamics of their relations.
These disputes find their roots in historical, geographical, as well as legal issues, with the Peace Treaty of Lausanne, for example, being at the forefront of Turkey’s claims against Greece. This situation has established a status quo in the Aegean that resembles that of the Cold War between Washington and Moscow before the fall of Communism.
The Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) of Greece that Turkey refuses to recognise. Credit: Flanders Marine Institute, Wikimedia Commons, CC BY 4.0
Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) Dispute
The EEZ dispute revolves around the rights of Greece and Turkey to explore and exploit marine resources. These include oil and gas reserves beneath the seabed. Recent discoveries made in the Eastern Mediterranean by Israel, Cyprus and Egypt have placed additional pressure on the already tense relations of the two sides.
Greece, based on the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS), argues that its islands are entitled to their own EEZs, which would significantly extend Greece’s maritime jurisdiction, especially in the Aegean and Eastern Mediterranean Seas. Turkey, on the other hand, has not ratified UNCLOS. This is why it claims that the presence of Greek islands near its coast unfairly limits its access to maritime areas and resources that –they believe– belong to them. Ankara argues that a fair solution would be for a delimitation that considers the size of the continental shelf of mainland Turkey as the primary basis for maritime boundaries. This disagreement has led to continuous heightened tensions, especially around energy exploration activities conducted by Turkey in waters that, according to UNCLOS, should be considered part of the Greek EEZ.
The Rafale is a French twin-engine multirole fighter aircraft. Greece received its first six Rafale jets from France in January 2022 as part of a larger order for 24 aircraft. Credit: Hellenic Air Force (HAF)
Airspace Dispute
The airspace dispute is another point of contention between Athens and Ankara. Greece claims a 10-mile airspace zone around its territory, extending beyond its 6-mile territorial waters. This is a peculiarity on the global stage, as the norm is that countries exercise sovereignty in the same length both in water and in the air. Turkey, therefore, does not recognise Greece’s claim and argues that the airspace should correspond directly with the territorial waters.
This is another major reason behind frequent incursions by Turkish aircraft into Greek airspace. Up until recently, Turkey not only violated Greece’s 10-mile airspace but engaged in practising dangerous flights of fighter jets above inhabited Greek islands, provoking Greece’s strong response in multiple instances. These incursions very often resulted in military standoffs, with both Greek and Turkish fighter jets engaging in mock dogfights, something that should have not been the case between two NATO allies.
The Turkish Casus Belli Declaration
Perhaps one of the most contentious issues between the two countries is Turkey’s casus belli (cause for war) declaration against Greece. In 1995, the Turkish Grand National Assembly issued a declaration that Turkey would consider it an act of war (casus belli) if Greece extended its territorial waters beyond 6 miles in the Aegean Sea.
The Grand National Assembly of Turkey. Credit: Yildiz Yazicioglu, Wikimedia Commons, Public Domain
This declaration was made in response to potential Greek moves to extend its territorial waters under UNCLOS. This UN convention allows nations to extend their territorial waters up to 12 miles. Greece remains one of the very few –if not the only– nations in the world that has not exercised this right yet, apart from its western shores in the Ionian Sea, facing Italy.
This Turkish stance has effectively placed a legal and diplomatic minefield in the Aegean Sea. A declared threat of war from one NATO ally to another not only undermines the southeastern flank of the Alliance but also poses a great danger to the stability of the broader area. The Turkish casus belli also hinders efforts to resolve maritime disputes, contributing to the ever-growing militarisation of the region.
Recent Attempts to Improve Relations Between Greece and Turkey
However, in recent months, a series of diplomatic gestures and high-level meetings have signalled a thaw in Greek-Turkish relations. Following Greece’s rapid assistance to Turkey after the devastating earthquake of early 2023, both the public mood and the political priorities of the leadership of the two nations changed very quickly.
The Turkish people were moved not only by the amount of humanitarian aid that ordinary Greeks sent to Turkey but also by the efforts of the Greek rescuers who rushed to the epicentre of the destruction, saving lives.
This shift in the public mood was sealed by following meetings between Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan and the Greek Premier Kyriakos Mitsotakis. The two men signed a friendship declaration between Greece and Turkey in Athens last December, in a symbolic move that confirms the warming of relations between the two nations.
The declaration committed both countries ”to refrain from any statement, initiative, or act likely to undermine or discredit the letter and spirit of this Declaration or endanger the maintenance of peace and stability in their region”
Turkey’s President Erdogan (left) and Greek PM Mitsotakis laughing during a signing ceremony of the ”Athens Agreement” in December 2023. Credit: Greek PM’s office
In addition, it called on both countries ”to resolve any dispute amicably arising between them through direct consultations between them or through other means as provided for in the United Nations Charter.” US President Joe Biden expressed his endorsement of the “constructive steps” between Greece and Turkey too, a few days after the meeting in Athens.
Factors Influencing the Diplomatic Rapprochement
This recent improvement in Greek-Turkish relations can be attributed to many external and internal factors, apart from the ”diplomacy of the earthquakes”. Externally, the European Union’s under-the-radar diplomatic efforts pushed primarily Ankara to a more relaxed stance towards Greece.
Germany was at the forefront of this nearly-undercover effort, as Berlin wants Turkey to remain a strategic economic partner of the EU. Additionally, regional security concerns, such as the strategic importance of NATO unity at a time when Russia wages war against Ukraine, also played a crucial role in the recent rapprochement.
As for internal factors that helped the amelioration of the relations, these were mainly the victory of President Erdogan in Turkey’s elections in 2023. This caused a shift in the economic priorities of his government. Because of this and due to a growing recognition of the benefits of cooperation over confrontation, Erdogan chose to ease the tensions between the two nations. The mutual interest in energy exploration and addressing migration issues were crucial factors after all.
Challenges Ahead
Despite the positive momentum, significant obstacles remain on the horizon. The unresolved maritime dispute in the Aegean Sea and the nations’ differing views on Cyprus continue to be crucial flashpoints.
Military build-ups, especially with the recent US approval of Greece’s intention to purchase F-35 fighter jets and equally Turkey’s demand to procure upgraded F-16 jets, demonstrate that the difficult days are far from over. This, along with rising nationalism on both sides and historical grievances can easily reignite tensions. This could undermine efforts towards reconciliation at any time. This is why the challenge now lies in addressing these issues in a constructive and measured way.
An example of how fragile things remain is that tensions between the two countries escalated again recently following the announcement from Greece of plans to establish two brand new marine parks in the Aegean and Ionian seas.
The Turkish foreign ministry issued a statement recently and warned that it would “not accept fait accompli” and that some of the proposed protected areas that Greece had announced lie in what it called ”disputed waters”. Turkey also claimed that the initiative on behalf of Greece was not environmentally but instead “politically motivated”. According to the Greek plans, the country aims to ban completely activities such as bottom trawling, which is a destructive fishing practice, in all its marine protected areas by 2030. The plan said that this would start with the new parks as early as 2026.
This move would make Greece the first European country to implement such a ban, putting it at the forefront of environmental protection in marine areas. Despite the projected environmental benefits, the decision has led to yet another point of disagreement between Athens and Ankara.
Nonetheless, high-level diplomatic and military meetings between Greek and Turkish officials are scheduled to take place in the next few weeks. This will culminate with the leaders of Greece and Turkey meeting on May 13 in Ankara. Greek Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis announced that he would meet his Turkish counterpart President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan next month at the culmination of a two-day summit of the European Council in Brussels.
Opportunities for Cooperation Between Greece and Turkey
The two leaders now believe that economic partnerships, particularly in tourism and trade, can yield substantial benefits for both nations.
Greece’s careful work in Brussels to finalise an agreement that now sees Turkish citizens being able to go to the Greek islands of the Eastern Aegean for 7 days with a quick visa upon arrival was warmly welcomed by the Turkish public. This also brings hopes of further economic development on these islands, which have suffered considerably from the recent refugee and migrant crises.
Collaborating on energy exploration and renewable energy projects, including the potential for nuclear energy cooperation, presents another promising opportunity for the two countries. Additionally, joint efforts to manage migration flows and combat human trafficking can put the tensions of 2020 aside and enhance regional stability.
The recent amelioration in Greek-Turkish relations does represent a new, hopeful chapter in the long and contentious history of the two nations. Although the shadows of history loom large, the potential for a guided and carefully delivered improvement in relations is still possible. This, of course, provided that Turkey will continue its path of establishing better relations with its Western partners, away from the dangerous rhetoric and actions of the past several years. 2020 is not too far after all, and the two countries remember very well how close to war they were back then.
