The Central Archaeological Council of Greece has approved visitor-friendly upgrades at the renowned archaeological site of ancient Messene in the southwest Peloponnese, it was announced on Monday.
Ancient Messene was excavated by the late Petros Themelis, a Greek classical archaeologist and professor of the University of Crete, who was keen to make the site available to the public while maintaining it environmentally-friendly. This is a vision the newly approved plans purport to conform to.
Its ancient theater, like that of Epidaurus, is open every summer for shows and musical performances and sees flocks of people every year, greatly contributing to local development and tourism in the Peloponnese in general.
View of the ancient Asclepeion at Messene archaeological site. Credit: wikimedia commons / Rossignol Benoît CC BY 3.0
Culture Minister Lina Mendoni said in a statement that the government’s priorities center on the continuous upgrading of services to the guests of archaeological sites and museums and in making these readily accessible. In Ancient Messene, she said, “Our goal is that interventions, landscaping, and constructions are as mild as possible—that they do not create an optical, aesthetic, or any other problem for the monuments, but promote their functional nature, and support their recognition and overall, highlight the archaeological site.”
The Antiquities Ephorate of Messenia carried out salvage excavations in 2023, Mendoni explained, to identify remains where the entrances (north and south) will be re-planned. The sections that were discovered may possibly relate to Late Classical-Early Hellenistic eras, and based on the features of the Hippodamian urban layout of the site, may belong to a cluster of private homes.
What are the planned upgrades at the Ancient Messene site?
The odeon of Ancient Messene in Greece. Credit: wikimedia commons / Herbert Ortner CC BY 2.5
Among the upgrades approved in the northern entrance section are the shutting down of the old ticketing area and the parking spaces, which stretched to the entrance of the ancient site. The ticketing area will be moved elsewhere, facilitating visitors’ movements, while the parking spaces will be reconstructed near the new archaeological museum. The museum design is still in the planning stages.
Access will be improved with ramps, while clusters of trees will be planted to provide more shade. No existing trees will be removed.
The new visitors’ store will afford a view of the site, while the bathroom, health space, and storage area will be partly below ground. A new elevator will make the cafe accessible to visitors who are physically impaired.
At the southern entrance, a 98-square-meter building will be constructed partly below ground and serve personnel of the site, while a semi-open corridor will lead to a staircase which will take people to the site.
The refurbishment projects at the north and south entrances of the site will reportedly be ready for visitors by the end of 2025.
Signing of the London Protocol, fresco of the frieze of the Trophy Hall of the Greek Parliament. Credit: Ludwig Michael von Schwanthaler, Wikimedia Commons, Public Domain
The Greek Revolution, also known as the Greek War of Independence, which lasted approximately from 1821 to 1830, was a foundational event in the history of modern Greece. This war, which is also known simply as “the Revolution” amongst Greeks, marked the struggle of this ancient nation for liberation from Ottoman rule.
The conflict, as it was expected, attracted the attention of major European powers of the time, particularly Britain, France and Russia, the stances of which evolved throughout the course of the war.
Initially, these nations maintained positions of neutrality or even direct or indirect opposition, influenced by various geopolitical and strategic considerations. However, as the conflict progressed, their positions shifted towards active support for the Greek cause. This shift was mainly driven by a complex network of reasons, including those of ideological sympathy, diplomatic maneuvering, and international rivalry and interests.
Russia’s stance towards the Greek War of Independence
The stance of Russia during the Greek War of Independence was characterized by a strong sense of ideological and cultural sympathy towards the Greek cause. The shared Orthodox Christian faith as well as traditional bonds between Russia and the Greeks that date back to the Eastern Roman (Byzantine) Empire created a sense of solidarity amongst the Greeks and high-ranking Russian officials.
This sympathy was further reinforced by the widespread influence of philhellenism within Russian society, which boosted the movement of support for the Greek cause in the Russian communities. This sentiment was clearly reflected in the enthusiastic reactions towards the Greek revolution from various sectors of the Russian population, especially clerics and scholars, who viewed the Greek struggle as a noble cause deserving of support.
Alexander I ruled Russia from 1801 until his death on December 1, 1825. Credit: G. Dawe, 1826, Peterhof, Wikimedia Commons Public Domain
The official Russian government, however, remained a reactionary conservative power. It found itself in the middle of a truly complex diplomatic crossroads due to the conflict. Tsar Alexander I refused to openly declare war on the Ottoman Empire following the Greek revolt.
This was not easy, and it came despite the strong public sentiment in favor of the Greeks among Russians. The Tsar had to think about the fact that the Greek War of Independence would have significant implications for the broader region from the northern Balkans to the Eastern Mediterranean. This has historically been a region that Russia was always interested in, and thus, the Tsar had to maneuver through these challenges carefully, trying not to damage his empire’s interests.
Three years after the start of the Greek War of Independence, Tsar Alexander I made a proposal in an attempt to balance Russia’s stance. He asked the other major European powers to consider the option of the establishment of three autonomous Greek principalities in the broader region. These would not obtain independence, but rather remain subservient to the Ottoman Empire. Thus, this showed the world that Russia was ready for some form of Greek autonomy.
After the death of Tsar Alexander I and the subsequent coronation of Tsar Nicholas I in September 1826, the new Russian leader tried to use the Greek revolt to Russia’s advantage and appeared to be on a war footing against the Ottoman Empire in the late 1820s. This is what led to Russia’s participation in the Battle of Navarino. Nonetheless, he never asked for the dismantling of the Ottoman Empire. On the contrary, he was against the total collapse of it.
Tsar Nicholas I was coronated in 1826. Credit: Georg von Bothmann, Wikimedia Commons, Public Domain
Despite this apparent ideological sympathy due to historical and religious bonds, the Russian military adopted a very cautious approach throughout this decade. No official Russian unit fought to support the Greeks, as the Russian Empire focused on more strategic considerations, seeing the bigger picture. The Russians also had to take into consideration the potential impact that this revolt could have on the ethnic composition of the Ottoman Empire, which had been an arch-rival for years.
Nevertheless, saying that Russia did not support the Greeks would be a historical mistake. Russia provided assistance to the Greeks both prior to and during the war. Primarily, the Russians provided significant material assistance and relief to Greek refugees who fled to Russian cities like Odessa and Kishinev after the uprising began.
Additionally, specially established committees under Russian officials distributed funds that were being gathered from private donations and public sources across Russia to support the thousands of displaced Greeks. Furthermore, prominent Greeks like the cleric Konstantinos Oikonomos played a crucial role in mediating between Russian officials and the communities of Greek war refugees.
Ioannis Kapodistrias was Russia’s Foreign Minister and Greece’s first ruler. Credit: National Historical Museum of Athens, Wikimedia Commons, Public Domain
Oikonomos, for example, advised the Ober-procurator of the Russian Holy Synod and helped distribute aid to Greeks who were displaced after the Chios massacre in 1822. Another major personality that needs to be mentioned here was Ioannis Kapodistrias, a former Russian foreign minister, who became the first head of state of independent Greece.
The involvement of Russia actually culminated with its participation, alongside Britain and France, in the battle of Navarino, where the Christian forces defeated the Ottomans. This battle was the beginning of the end for the Turks, as it ultimately became the major contributor to the establishment of an independent Greek state a couple of years later.
Britain’s role in the Greek War of Independence
The stance of the British Empire during the Greek War of Independence underwent a significant transformation throughout the various stages of the war. Initially, the British government actually maintained a pro-Ottoman position. This was primarily driven by geopolitical concerns and the desire to protect its mercantile interests in the region. As is understandable, every disruption to the status quo is normally seen by the established world order as a nuance rather than a welcoming event.
Britain primarily feared that due to Russia’s underlying sympathy towards the Greek cause, an eventuality of direct or indirect Russian control over Greece could threaten Britain’s access to India and disrupt lucrative trade routes in the Aegean Sea and Levant. Additionally, the then British-held Ionian Islands were also a factor that played a crucial role in Britain’s cautious approach, as there were concerns about the war spilling over into British territories and dragging Britain into the war.
George Canning served as Foreign Secretary and briefly as Prime Minister of the United Kingdom during the Greek Revolution. His statue now adorns a central square in Athens. Credit: Thomas Lawrence – Art UK, Wikimedia Commons, Public Domain
Despite the official stance of the British government, however, there was considerable public sympathy for the Greek cause within the United Kingdom. Philhellenism, which is a movement that supported the Greeks, had a strong influence on British society, particularly among the Philosophical Radicals, the Whigs, and the Evangelicals. These influential groups actively supported the Greek revolution and did so through financial assistance and advocacy in favor of the Greek positions within the British elite. The London Greek Committee played also a crucial role in mobilizing valuable support and shaping public opinion even more in favor of the Greeks.
As the years went by and the conflict prolonged, the official position of Britain began to shift. The realization, on behalf of the British political elite, that a protracted war could leave room for greater Russian involvement in the Aegean and the Mediterranean, made Britain change gear. This fundamental aspect of the geopolitical reality of the time, along with a couple of other issues, such as the intervention of Egypt in support of the Turks and the fear of the Morea (Peloponnese) being resettled with Muslims, prompted Britain to reconsider its support for the Ottoman Empire.
Major diplomatic efforts to mediate peace deals were attempted. However, they all proved unsuccessful. This encouraged Britain to consider recognizing an outright Greek independence as a means to pressuring the Ottomans into negotiations. Such a fundamental shift on behalf of the British culminated in the UK forming an alliance with Russia and France, which directly intervened against the Ottomans. This Christian bloc resulted in the decisive Battle of Navarino in 1827 and paved the way for the final recognition of Greek independence through the London Protocol of 1830.
The French and their approach to the Greek War of Independence
The stance of France in the Greek War of Independence evolved from initially being stuck to neutrality to active military and diplomatic support for the Greek cause. Even though there was widespread sympathy among the French public and intellectual circles, the official French government initially maintained a policy of clear neutrality. This stance was also influenced by broader strategic interests that the French had in preserving the established balance of power in Europe and the Eastern Mediterranean. There were also concerns among senior political and military circles in Paris that provoking a conflict with the Ottoman Empire could potentially benefit France’s rivals, such as Britain and Russia.
Louis XVIII had been restored to the throne in 1814 following Napoleon’s initial abdication and continued to reign in France until his death on September 16, 1824. Credit: Francois Gerard, Wikimedia Commons, Public Domain
Nonetheless, and in a similar way to that of the British, French policy began to shift as the war progressed. French Philhellenes played a significant role, mainly in supporting the Greek struggle, both through direct participation in the fighting and by providing crucial military expertise to Greek fighters, who needed the additional training if they had any hopes of success against the organized Ottoman military.
Charles Nicolas Fabvier, in particular, was instrumental in organizing the modern Greek regular army. French ships took part and fought for the Greeks in the pivotal Battle of Navarino in 1827. It was a decisive moment in securing the coveted Greek independence.
In 1828, in particular, France, along with Britain and Russia, formally decided and committed to mediating the question of full Greek independence through the Treaty of London. This marked a fundamentally significant shift towards active support for the Greek cause on behalf of the French, who only a few years prior were vowing to neutrality.
Subsequently, French authorities decided a French expeditionary corps was to be dispatched to Greece to assist the Greek fighters in clearing the country of remaining Ottoman garrisons. This military intervention, alongside the multiple diplomatic efforts, played a pivotal role in the eventual recognition of Greek independence from the three main European powers. The engagement of France in Greece also reflected the broader strategy of Paris of expanding its influence in the Eastern Mediterranean. In this way, the French hoped to counterbalance British maritime interests in the region.
The role of the big powers of Europe, England, France and Russia
The Greek War of Independence was a conflict that saw a remarkable evolution in the stances of Russia, Britain, and France alike. From primarily initial positions of neutrality or even opposition, these major European powers gradually shifted towards more active support for the Greek cause to an all-in military engagement against the Ottomans. This gradual but fundamental transformation was driven by a complex geopolitical triangle of ideological sympathy, strategic interests, and international diplomacy.
The involvement of these three powers, through military intervention, diplomatic efforts, and, finally, the Treaty of London, was crucial in shaping and finalizing the outcome of the war and the establishment of Greece as a fully sovereign and independent state.
Theodoros Kolokotronis, who lived from April 3, 1770 to Feb. 4, 1843, is undoubtedly the ultimate symbol of the Greek War of Independence, which took place from 1821 to 1830. More than any other individual, he is the man who completely embodied the battle cry “Liberty or Death”.
Kolokotronis was born at Ramovouni in Messenia to a family who had rebellion in their blood. He grew up in Arcadia in the central Peloponnese. The Kolokotronis clan was well-known, powerful and respected in the Arcadia region in the eighteenth century.
The family had found itself in a state of constant war with their Ottoman overlords since the sixteenth century. From 1762 to 1806, seventy members of the greater Kolokotronis clan were slain in clashes with the conquerors.
The legendary pride — and insubordination — of the Kolokotronis family is even commemorated in a well-known folk song written during that time:
“On a horse they go to church,
On a horse they kiss the icons,
On a horse they receive communion
From the priest’s hand.”
Theodoros Kolokotronis led the Greeks to victory
Kolokotronis. Credit: Public domain
At the dawn of the Greek War of Independence, Theodoros Kolokotronis found himself in Morea organizing a company of Greek rebels into a more effective army.
He was already 51 years of age, an old man by nineteenth-century standards, and by any standard among fighting men.
Among his comrades, he was known by the nickname “The Elder of Morea.”
Despite his age, the Greek commander claimed victory after victory, in the war and his forces were unstoppable.
The Battle of Dervenakia, in August 1822, inflicted great damage upon the forces of the Ottoman army, and equally important, upon its prestige.
Kolokotronis went on to liberate the town of Nafplio in December of 1822. He is said to have ridden his horse up the steep slopes up to the castle of Palamidi to celebrate his victory.
He was also famously quoted as saying, “Greeks, God has signed our Liberty and will not go back on his promise.”
Kolokotronis after the battle of Dervenakia. Credit: Public domain
In 1825, Kolokotronis was appointed Commander-in-Chief of the Greek forces of the Peloponnese.
Political turmoil in Greece
After Greece’s winning of the War of Independence over the Ottoman Empire, the indomitable fighter became a supporter of Greece’s first ruler of modern times, Ioannis Kapodistrias.
Kolokotronis was also a proponent of an alliance between Greece and Russia.
When Kapodistrias was assassinated by a clan of Mani landowners on Oct. 8, 1831, Kolokotronis created his own administration in support of Prince Otto of Bavaria as the new king of Greece.
The former freedom fighter later opposed King Otto’s rule, and on June 7, 1834, he was charged with treason and sentenced to death. However, when King Otto became an adult and officially ascended to the throne he pardoned Kolokotronis in the year 1835.
Kolokotronis had learned to write in the twilight of his life, just so that he might be able to complete his autobiography. His memoirs have been a perennial favorite ever since throughout Greece, and they have been translated several times into English and other languages.
Kolokotronis’s famed helmet, preserved in almost perfect condition, may be seen today along with the rest of his arms and armor in the National Historical Museum of Greece in Athens.
A modern replica of the Trojan Horse. Credit: Jorge Láscar, CC BY 2.0
The story of the Trojan Horse is one of the most famous stories in Greek mythology. It is part of the climax of the dramatic legend of the Trojan War. However, researchers have differing ideas about what the Trojan Horse actually was and if it even existed at all. What are these theories, and what evidence exists to support them?
What was the Trojan Horse in Greek mythology?
Firstly, let us establish what exactly the Trojan Horse supposedly was in Greek mythology. Contrary to popular belief, it does not appear in Homer’s Iliad. However, Homer does refer to it in his Odyssey. A more detailed account appears in Virgil’s Aeneid from the first century BCE. Ancient Greek artwork also depicts the horse.
According to these accounts, the Greeks constructed the Trojan Horse after deciding that it was the only way to end their long and arduous war against the city of Troy. It was a large statue of a horse, made of wood that was hollow on the inside. It was presented as a gift, but it was really a trap.
Inside the enormous statue, there were hidden Greek soldiers. After the Greek army supposedly left (really just hiding outside the immediate vicinity), the Trojans brought the Trojan Horse inside the city. At night, the Greek soldiers climbed out, opened the gates of the city, and let the Greek army enter so as to finally defeat their enemies.
Was the Trojan Horse a battering ram?
There are a variety of theories that explain the Trojan Horse as something other than what is directly described in the Odyssey and the Aeneid. One theory goes right back to ancient times.
Pausanias, writing in the second century CE, stated: “That the work of Epeius was a contrivance to make a breach in the Trojan wall is known to everybody who does not attribute utter silliness to the Phrygians.”
Here, Pausanias calls the Trojans ‘Phrygians.’ In other words, he is saying that the Trojan Horse was not literally a statue of a horse. To understand the account literally would be to understand the Trojans as naive. Rather, the Trojan Horse is a metaphor for some kind of ‘contrivance to make a breach in the Trojan wall.’
On this basis, some researchers have suggested that it was a metaphor for (or, perhaps, a distorted memory of) a battering ram. There is evidence that Assyrian battering rams were covered in dampened horse hides to protect them from flaming arrows. The use of these horse hides, perhaps in conjunction with the general shape of the siege engine, may have led to its being remembered as a wooden horse.
Problems with the theory
Although this battering ram theory is quite popular, it has some notable problems. For one thing, there is no reason to imagine that Assyrian siege engines would have been involved in the Trojan War. According to most chronologies, the Trojan Horse incident occurred centuries before the Assyrians were active anywhere remotely near Troy.
Even when considering the evidence that the Trojan War occurred as late as the eighth century BCE, this theory is still without support. The only Ancient Greek records that mention the Assyrians in connection with the Trojan War make the Assyrians direct allies of Troy. Therefore, Assyrian battering rams would not have been used against Troy. This would only have happened if the Assyrians had been on the side of the Greeks, but there is no support for that idea.
Regarding the Greeks themselves, there is no evidence that they even used battering rams until the fifth century BCE. This is long after the Trojan War. Therefore, there is no reason to believe the Trojan Horse would have been a battering ram in the first place.
Mykonos Vase: Decorated pithos found on Mykonos in Greece depicting one of the earliest known renditions of the Trojan Horse. Credit: Travelling Runes, CC-BY-SA-2.0 / Wikimedia
Was the Trojan Horse a ship?
Another theory, which is perhaps more popular than the previous one, is that the Trojan Horse was really a ship. This theory is much closer to the actual story of the horse. According to this, the Greeks built a special ship as an offering rather than a statue of a horse. Just like in ancient accounts, the Trojans brought the ship inside, but there were Greek soldiers hiding inside the hull of the ship.
The basis for this is that the Ancient Greeks sometimes called ships ‘horses’ in a figurative way. For example, we find the expression ‘sea-horses’ in the Odyssey. Furthermore, the Phoenicians developed a type of ship called a hippos. The front of the ship was designed to look like a horse’s head. This was common after about 1000 BCE.
Some researchers argue that Homer’s description of the soldiers climbing into the Trojan Horse is very similar to how the Ancient Greeks described people climbing aboard a ship. On this basis, some argue that Homer actually intended to describe a ship, but his words later came to be misunderstood.
One major problem with this theory is the Mykonos Vase. It depicts the Trojan Horse as a literal horse statue with people inside, exactly like the traditional understanding. This dates to c. 675 BCE, which is almost certainly several decades before Homer wrote the Odyssey. Therefore, this evidence takes precedence over Homer’s wording.
A more literal understanding
One final theory is that the Trojan Horse was simply exactly what the story presented it as: a large wooden statue of a horse. This theory accommodates virtually all the evidence from antiquity, including the depiction on the Mykonos Vase. The only evidence against it is the testimony of Pausanias, but that was merely his personal opinion.
Many researchers today feel, similar to Pausanias, that the Trojan Horse cannot have been real because it would have just been too foolish on the part of the Trojans to bring such a thing into their city. However, there is no reason why we should not ‘attribute utter silliness’ to the Trojans.
The reality is that many similar strategies have been used in warfare throughout history. We encounter such examples during both ancient and modern history. One such instance is the Taking of Joppa, which was an event that occurred in the 15th century BCE.
Furthermore, the Mykonos Vase attests to the existence of the Trojan Horse at least as early as c. 675 BCE. In view of this evidence, some modern scholars believe the Trojan War may have occurred in the eighth century BCE. This would make the Mykonos Vase a near-contemporary source.
Of course, in the absence of even earlier evidence, there will continue to be speculation over the Trojan Horse.
“Taptiklis, too Greek. Go with James,” an agent advised Theo James. Credit: Netflix
The star of the trending Netflix series The Gentlemen, Theo James, is half-Greek. He is the son of a Greek father and Scottish mother.
Viewers have been Googling more details about the actor’s life, and they’ve come across his real name—and it’s quite long. Theo James is a stage name, which he’s been using since he started his career almost twenty years ago. Theo James was born Theodore Peter James Kinnaird Taptiklis.
Theo’s father, Philip Taptiklis, is of Greek heritage. However, his mother, Jane Martin, is Scottish. Hence the Kinnaird/Taptiklis combo. “James is my middle name and I use that and in a funny way, I kind of regret it,” Theo previously said in an interview.
“When I first started as an actor, it was 15 years ago, and I remember an agent saying: ‘Taptiklis, too Greek. Go with James,’” he added.
Theodore Peter James Kinnaird Taptiklis starring in the Netflix series.
Theo was born just outside of London in High Wycombe but was raised in Askett in Buckinghamshire and attended Aylesbury Grammar School before studying philosophy at Nottingham University and subsequently training in acting at the Bristol Old Vic Theatre School in southwest London. He now lives with his wife Ruth Kearney in north London.
In writing for GQ about his family history, Theo revealed: “I was searching through some of my possessions, long forgotten, and found a picture of my Grandfather, Nikos.
“He was Greek and served in the British Navy during the Second World War. But in 1941 as a young doctor in training, he was forced to flee the Nazis as they swept through Greece and took Athens.
“On a tiny boat with twelve others, he crossed the dangerous waters of the Aegean in mid-November and landed in Turkey. From there he made his way, with thousands of others to Syria where he found safety in Damascus.”
Netflix’s The Gentlemen is the apogee of Theo James’ career
The Gentlemen is an action comedy television series created by Guy Ritchie for Netflix. It is a spin-off of Ritchie’s 2019 film of the same name. The series stars Theo James in the lead role, and it was released on March 7, 2024.
Theo James gained recognition for playing Tobias Eaton in The Divergent Series film trilogy (2014–2016). He has starred in the horror films Underworld: Awakening (2012) and Underworld: Blood Wars (2016) as well as the science fiction film Archive (2020).
In television, he appeared in the crime drama series Golden Boy (2012), the romance series The Time Traveler’s Wife (2022), and the dark comedy series The White Lotus (2022), which earned him a nomination for a Primetime Emmy Award.
“The Massacre at Chios,” Eugene Delacroix, 1824. Credit: Public Domain
The Chios massacre of 1822 was perhaps the worst atrocity committed by the Ottomans against Greeks during the Greek War of Independence.
Approximately three-quarters of the population of 120,000 were killed, enslaved, or died of disease after thousands of Turkish troops landed on the eastern Aegean island to end a rebellion against Ottoman rule.
Chios: an island of traders
For over 2,000 years, Chios merchants and shipowners had been prominent in trade and diplomacy throughout the Black Sea, the Aegean, and the Mediterranean.
The Ottoman Empire allowed Chios almost complete control over its own affairs as Chian trade and the very expensive and sought-after mastic plant, harvested only on Chios, were of great value to the empire.
The cosmopolitan Chians were also very prominent in Constantinople, causing the island’s ruling classes to be reluctant to join the Greek revolt, as they feared the loss of their security and prosperity.
Furthermore, they were aware that they were situated far too close to the Turkish heartland in Anatolia to be safe.
The Chios Massacre
Relics of the massacre in Nea Moni on the Greek island of Chios. Credit: FLIOUKAS/Wikimedia Commons/CC BY-SA 4.0
Things changed in March 1822 when several hundred armed Greeks from the neighboring island of Samos landed on Chios. They attacked the Ottomans, who retreated to the citadel. Many islanders then joined the Greek War of Independence.
However, the vast majority of the population had, by all accounts, not joined other Greeks in their revolt against the Ottoman Empire and had done absolutely nothing to provoke the hideous reprisals.
The Ottomans sent reinforcements to Chios on March 22nd. On March 31st, orders were given to burn down the town, and over the next four months, another estimated 40,000 Turkish troops arrived on the island.
In addition to setting fires, the troops were ordered to kill all infants under three years old, all males 12 years and older, and all females 40 and older except those willing to convert to Islam.
Tens of thousands of survivors dispersed throughout Europe to become part of what would become known as the Chian Diaspora.
A horrified Europe responds to the atrocity with shock
“The Massacre at Chios,” Eugene Delacroix, 1824. Credit: Public Domain
The massacre shocked Europe, and protesters highlighted the atrocity with many famous artists dedicating works to this heinous event.
One of the greatest works of the great French painter Eugene Delacroix was a depiction of the Massacre of Chios, the purpose of which was to raise awareness throughout Europe of the horrors and atrocities committed by the Ottomans on the island. Furthermore, Victor Hugo’s poem about the massacre also highlights the brutality suffered at the hands of the Ottomans.
Following the massacre, volunteer organizations collected money to support the Greek Revolution by providing arms and weapons while many Westerners arrived in Greece to fight the Ottomans.
On June 6th, 1822, Konstantinos Kanaris, a native of the nearby island of Psara, finally retaliated. Kanaris set ablaze a Turkish fleet which had landed in the port of Chios, killing 2,000 Ottomans and destroying all the ships in the port.
Stefanos Kasselakis (left) prepared to march in the town of Thebes. Credit: Video screenshot/NewsIt
Stefanos Kasselakis, the leader of Greece’s main opposition party, SYRIZA, who is currently doing his military service joined the military parade for Independence Day at the town of Thebes.
He was seen parading with other freshers in the center of the town.
Military service is mandatory for all Greek males. Kasselakis had been exempt from military service as he was residing in the US since age 14. When he returned to Greece he had two options: Spending six months in the military or serving for three weeks and buying off the rest of his time.
While it has a sizeable number of professional troops, Greece’s military is still conscription-based, with service in most cases set at 12 months.
Receiving basic military training has not deterred him from delving into politics through statements and social media.
On Sunday he called on Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis to resign “so Greece can be led in an orderly manner to democratic elections,” in a video he posted on social media
His response was prompted among others by media reports alleging manipulation of evidence in order to claim the fatal Tempe train collision in February 2023 was caused by human error rather than by negligence at the official level.
Kasselakis said that elections should be held “in the presence of international observers, because a prime minister whose government manipulates criminal evidence, surveils political and military leaders through the National Intelligence Service and Predator software, and divulges citizens’ personal data for electoral purposes cannot hold fair elections without a shadow of doubt.” He then called on Mitsotakis to respond within 24 hours.
Kasselakis said he decided to address citizens sooner than the end of his military service ends because “developments are rapid.”
The turbulent leadership of Stefanos Kasselakis
Kasselakis, 36, a former businessman without political experience who is gay, was the surprise winner at the SYRIZA elections held last September.
He took the reigns of the party a few months after the catastrophic election results in June/July 2023 that forced former leader and former PM Alexis Tsipras to resign.
His meteoric rise to leadership had upset many leftwing traditionalists who accused him of “right-wing populism” and authoritarian practices.
On 23 November 2023, 9 Members of Parliament (MPs), 1 Member of the European Parliament (MEP), and 57 central committee members declared their departure from the political party in protest of Kasselakis’ leadership.
Notable figures among them included Effi Achtsioglou along with other former ministers. A few days later previously resigned MPs Euclid Tsakalotos and Peti Perka joined forces with the 9 MPs to announce the establishment of a new political entity called “New Left”.
More recently amidst political turmoil and disagreements regarding Kasselakis’ approaches and agenda, MPs and members of the central committee of SYRIZA initiated a rebellion against Kasselakis’ decision to conduct a survey asking the party’s voters whether SYRIZA should alter its name and ideological focus.
The USS Constitution under sail, with sailors atop her yardarms. The ship hosted three Greek War of Independence heroes, as well as American philhellenes, off the coast of Greece during its Revolutionary War in 1827. Credit: Facebook/ USS Constitution
Former slave and American philhellene James Williams alongside fellow American philhellene George Jarvis fought in the Greek War of Independence for the freedom of Greece and its people who lived half a world away from his birthplace.
After leaving America and giving their lives for the freedom of the Greek people in their struggle against the Ottomans, Williams and Jarvis were laid to rest far from home. But they were where they were meant to be, after fulfilling their mission to help Greece in its greatest hour of need.
James Williams. Credit: Philhellenism Museum
Jarvis and Williams are believed to be buried in Argos, alongside other philhellenes who fought and died during the Hellenic Revolution of 1821 so that, as Lord Byron wrote in his famous poem The Isles of Greece “…Greece might still be free.” Their memorial stones are in the churchyard as a permanent reminder of the sacrifices they made for human freedom.
James Williams led an incredible life, starting with almost unimaginable deprivation as a slave in the antebellum American south. After somehow managing to escape the sugar cane plantation he worked on, south of his birthplace of Baltimore, he made his way as a stowaway onto a ship that was bound for Northern Africa’s Barbary Coast.
American Philhellenes and the Greek War of Independence
The famous admiral Stephen Decatur decided to put the young man to work on his ship, where he labored in the galley as he crossed the Atlantic.
After fighting as a US Marine against the Barbary Coast pirates who had long been harassing American ships, Williams later fought as a member of Lord Cochran’s Hellenic Navy fleet, participating in action at Nafpaktos and other areas as part of the Greek War of Independence.
As the author says about the life of Williams, “It is said that heroes are made — not born. In the case of James Williams, the events swirling around his life, his dreams and his suffering – even God Himself – all conspire to transform a human being, born a slave, into becoming a transcendent hero for the ages.”
After surviving a hellish existence on a sugarcane plantation and his subsequent escape from bondage, Williams encounters a different environment from the plantation while working as a cook’s helper aboard ship, “which at times is a life that is even harder than the one on the sugar plantation,” Rethymniotakis says.
Former slave, philhellene becomes Marine, spy, survives shipwreck, then is rescued by monks
However, Williams eventually becomes an excellent US Marine, fighting against the cruel Barbary pirates — who themselves were known to have taken a good many American merchant mariners as slaves after attacking their ships.
He goes on to distinguish himself in battle and even as a spy as well. In further adventures, he next works on a rug merchant’s boat before it is suddenly shipwrecked off Greece.
He then finds himself washed up on a beach near Athens, marking the next seminal turning point in his life, one that would allow him to help free an entire people — while his fellow men were still in bondage in the American South.
Providentially, Williams was rescued by monks and taken to Abbot Symeon, who provided him shelter as he recuperated. “Having already learned Greek on board the merchant ship, Williams begins to realize that he has landed in the midst of an uprising – the uprising that quickly becomes the War of Independence for Greeks seeking liberation from the 400 year tyranny under the Ottoman Turks,” Rethymniotakis relates.
Along the way, Williams meets, works with, and fights alongside such great Philhellenes as Lord George Byron, George Jarvis, and others. He participates in naval battles and the famous Siege of Missolonghi. He may have taken part in the Liberation of Athens as well as the Battle of Petta in Epirus as part of a battalion of other Philhellenes.
The former slave becomes philhellene, helps give freedom to Greek people
“But this fictionalized historical novel is not just about one man’s adventures, heroic as they might be,” Rethymniotakis states.
“It is about an Odyssey of man born a slave who reaches the pinnacle of heroism in a land far away from his roots. And yet his adventures, while approaching a mythical status, pale in comparison to the emotional growth Williams undergoes slave to sailor to spy to battle hardened hero, to shipwrecked victim, to lover, to seeker of truth.
“His voice is the voice of all slaves of the world,” Rethymniotakis adds.
“The Fantastic Voyage of James Williams” is a fictionalized account based on the true story of the escaped slave whose amazing life has been painstakingly researched by the author, using information from the archives of George Jarvis, another American philhellene who he fought alongside.
Jarvis’ account places Williams with Lord Byron, the famous British philhellene aristocrat who fought at the Battle of Missolonghi before passing away soon afterward.
Williams is the only American slave ever known to have escaped bondage who then chose to fight for the freedom of another subjugated nation. His life and adventures are truly an Odyssey for the ages. Not only did he find freedom for himself, but he helped people half a world away win their own freedom against the tyranny of the Ottoman Empire.
After the Third Siege of Missolonghi and the exodus of survivors from that city, Williams appears again with the fleet of Admiral Andreas Miaoulis at the island of Hydra; he is believed to have fought in many subsequent naval battles.
The final events of his life are thought to have taken place during the Battle of Navarino, where he served on the Greek sloop-of-war Kartería (Greek for “Perseverance”). Wounded in the battle, he reportedly ended up on the island of Poros in a hospital which was constructed as a gift of the renowned Howe family of philhellenes from Boston.
Williams’ and Jarvis’ memorial stones can be found in the cemetery of the town of Argos, near the city of Nafplion. At present, it is unknown if their stones in Argos are over their actual tombs or if the great philhellene heroes may have been interred elsewhere.
The Municipality of Argos, in Mycenae, will assist the ongoing effort of some expatriates, including members of AHEPA, to locate the bones of the American philhellenes.
Congressman Sarbanes Commemorates Williams in Speech Recorded in Congressional Record
In March of 2013, Congressman John Sarbanes (D-Maryland), who is from Williams’ home city of Baltimore, read the story of his life and that of other American philhellenes into the Congressional Record on the occasion of the Bicentennial of the Greek War of Independence.
His speech is as follows:
Congressional Record — AMERICA AND GREECE–STRENGTH IN SOLIDARITY
“Mr. Speaker, I rise today to commemorate the 192nd
anniversary of Greek Independence Day.
“Greece and America are history’s most storied democracies. Our Founding Fathers borrowed heavily from Greek antiquity to build American democracy.
“Our relationship with Greece, however, is more than one just of philosophical kinship. America, Greece, and Greek Americans have stood in solidarity since the founding of the United States.
“In this year, when we also celebrate the 150th anniversary of the Emancipation Proclamation, the 50th anniversary of the March on Washington, and the 100th anniversary of both Harriet Tubman’s death and Rosa Parks’ birth, it is especially fitting to recall how Hellenes and African Americans have reached out to one another to provide mutual
support.
“When Hellenes acted to liberate themselves in 1821, James Williams, an African American sailor from my hometown of Baltimore, joined the Greek revolutionary navy and fought at the Battle of Navarino. In turn, John Zachos and Photius Fisk, orphans of the Greek War of Independence, became passionate abolitionists in America. Zachos was a member of the
Educational Commission of Boston and New York. Fisk, a U.S. Navy chaplain, helped slaves find freedom by supporting the Underground Railroad.”
Sarbanes’ speech, alongside his commemoration on his memorial stone in Greece, serves as proof that despite the many difficulties and trials he faced in his remarkable life, the story of James Williams and his fellow philhellenes will never be forgotten.
Thousands of military personnel from each of the Hellenic Armed Forces’ three services took part in the parade. File photo. Credit: Greek Reporter
On Monday, Greece commemorated the 203rd anniversary of the War of Independence with a grand military parade in the capital, Athens.
Thousands of Greeks gathered in Athens for the occasion, which is marked by the military parade every year. The parade commenced at 11:00 sharp at Vasilissis Amalias Avenue and culminated at Omonia Square.
Military personnel and hardware at the parade on Greek Independence Day
Thousands of military personnel from each of the Hellenic Armed Forces’ three services took part in the parade, as well as civil and military marching bands. Greek Independence Day coincides with the Feast of the Annunciation, celebrated widely by Greek Orthodox Christians.
Onlookers lined the streets of central Athens to watch as thousands of soldiers marched by, accompanied by an impressive array of military hardware. For many, the iconic Evzones are an eagerly anticipated highlight of the parade each year.
However, the Independence Day parade was not only confined to the streets of Athens. Aircraft of the Hellenic Armed Forces flew over the capital to mark the occasion, delighting the celebrants below.
Notable aircraft that could be spotted included Rafale fighter jets, F-16 Fighting Falcons, and Apache attack helicopters.
The day started with a special ceremony at Athens Metropolitan Cathedral that was attended by Greek President Katerina Sakellaropoulou and, representing the government, Defense Minister Nikos Dendias, among other officials.
Cannon shots were also fired from Lycabettus Hill and fighter jets were conducting flights over the Acropolis to mark the occasion.
In Thessaloniki, too, multiple downtown schools will converge in the city center for a big parade along Megalou Alexandrou Avenue starting at 12.15 p.m.
Contingents of the Armed Forces will also be holding displays in the northern port city.
President’s message on Greek Independence Day
The anniversary of Greece’s historic declaration of war for independence on March 25 is “a celebration of all Greeks that will always draw up a sense of liberation, independence, and justice,” Greek President Katerina Sakellaropoulou said in a message on Sunday.
The Greek uprising against the 400-year Ottoman rule in 1821 garnered the admiration of the world, she said. The anniversary also calls for its timeless message, “that passion and self-denial may be the key ingredient of every national effort, but the guarantee of its success lies with consensus, unity, and agreement, as recorded by the herculean struggle of the heroic revolutionaries against an all-powerful empire,” she said.
Sakellaropoulou also noted that this year is the 50th anniversary of the restoration of democracy in Greece following the military dictatorship, while she also said that Greece is not forgetting Cyprus, as a part remains under Turkish occupation.
In a world of multiple speeds and uncertainties, continuous crisis, wars, and divisive speech, the Greek president added, Greece’s challenge today is “to defend, with the contribution of all of us, the ideals of freedom, human rights and democracy, which we secured with struggles and sacrifices in our long history, as we did our unnegotiable national sovereignty.”
George Papanicolaou, the inventor of Pap smear. Credit: The Pap Corps
A new US film that highlights the Greek doctor’s George Papanicolaou cancer breakthrough in the 1920s premieres on PBS stations on March 26th.
“The Cancer Detectives,” tracks the fascinating and surprisingly frustrating backstory of the Pap smear, a cervical cancer screening test that’s now routine but was once anything but.
The film takes viewers back to the days before Pap smears, a time when cervical cancer was rightfully feared by patients and doctors alike. A century ago, cervical cancer was a major killer of women. Early detection was impossible, and sexual stigma and shame kept women from discussing it.
Film documents struggle to legitimize Papanicolaou’s test
Hence, it’s not surprising that when an immigrant physician from Greece, George Papanicolaou, nicknamed “Dr. Pap,” discovered a way to detect changes in cervical cells, his breakthrough was largely disregarded by the scientific community.
It would take a massive public relations war against the unspeakable cancer to make the Pap smear a routine part of cervical cancer screening—a war waged in part by Black OB/GYN Helen Dickens, Japanese American illustrator Hashime Murayama, and a group of women committed to cancer prevention.
The film documents the sometimes maddening hurdles they faced, from Murayama’s arrests for being an “enemy alien” during World War II to the racism and sexism that Dickens faced as she attempted to practice medicine and spread the news about cervical cancer screening.
Papanicolaou’s “Pap test” was resisted by the scientific community
Papanicolaou was born in Kymi, Evia in 1883. He was the son of a doctor but began his academic career in Athens studying music and the humanities rather than medicine.
Under his father’s influence, he moved into medicine, first as an army surgeon and then by treating people suffering from leprosy near his hometown.
His inquiring mind drove him further into the sciences, and in 1910, he graduated with a PhD in Zoology from the University of Munich.
After getting married and serving in the military medical corps again in the First Balkan War, Papanikolaou emigrated to the U.S. in 1913, setting out on the hard road previously trodden by many Greek immigrants.
Forced to rely on any work available in order to support himself, he labored as a salesman, clerk, and even a violin player in a Greek restaurant before finally establishing himself at New York University’s Pathology Department and Cornell University Medical College’s Anatomy Department.
It was in 1928 that Papanicolaou developed a technique to take samples from the cervix and examine them under a microscope. That technique is now known as the
Pap smear or Pap test.
However, due to resistance from the scientific establishment of the day, it was not until a 1943 paper written with gynecologist Herbert Traut was published that Papanicolaou’s findings gained wider acceptance.
His work later developed into the fully-fledged discipline of cytopathology which studies disease at a cellular level.
He was the recipient of numerous awards, including the Albert Lasker Award for Clinical Medical Research from the American Public Health Association in 1950 and the Medal of Honor from the American Cancer Society in 1952.
